Galeria Centrala pl. Ratajskiego 6a, Poznań śr – pt 15-19 oraz sb* 12-16 Noc Muzeów 20.05 g. 17-23.30
Not Surrendering tells a visual story specifically about the struggle of loyalists to shape a distinct identity in post-conflict Northern Ireland. The documentary narrative introduces us to the daily lives of the local British working-class as well as members of its illegal paramilitary groups. Recognised as terrorist organizations until recently, these associations still carry weight, sow fear, and control Northern Ireland’s Ulster. By focusing on the spaces which the book’s subjects inhabit, aspects of their daily lives, and the particularities of their neighbourhoods separated by ominous ‘peace walls,’ the photography brings to the fore the psychological state of siege which permeates working-class districts in Northern Ireland. The story also spotlights the atmosphere of despair which accompanies each successive generation – trapped socially and mentally in unprocessed traumas from which it cannot escape.
The aim of the presentation is to increase awareness and knowledge about processes of reconciliation in post-conflict societies that are divided territorially, politically, nationally, and religiously.
The story this volume tells highlights the difficulties NGO and other grassroots projects face while working with difficult youth from families deeply involved in the conflict. The photographic images illustrate the tensions arising during celebrations of national identity, during which especially members of paramilitary groups openly fan the flames of hatred towards their neighbours. This year of 2023 marks the 25th anniversary of the signing of the Good Friday Agreement formally ending the violence in Northern Ireland.
Young loyalist at the UDA part of The Village district in Belfast.The Village, South Belfast, is partly subjected to the regeneration scheme. Some people already moved out, but some are still waiting for a relocation sponsored by Housing Executive. They might wait for years. Belfast 2011.One of the young loyalist jumps off from the shelter at the bonfire field.First layers of pallets at the Conway street bonfire. The most engaged constructors often spent a t least several hours daily on site; sometimes they start mustering up materials as early as January: wooden pallets, furniture or anything which can be set afire. Everything is gathered not far from the target site on which the towers will arise. Some of the bonfire structures contain quite a few tires, annually triggering stormy discussions in the local media about environmental protection; this, in turn, becomes a major argument against the British community of Northern Ireland. Year after year, step by step, community workers and NGO’s work with local residents to remove tires from bonfires.
Across the whole of Northern Ireland a few hundred structures come into existence each year, built in the British working-class neighbourhoods to commemorate an English victory over the Irish in the 1690 Battle of the Boyne. Belfast 2018The 1st of July parade on the occasion of the Battle of the Somme. One of the dozens of Loyalist bands marching in the streets of East Belfast, in the background a controversial mural representing the UVF paramilitary organization with the red violet flag of its 1912 forces flying just to the left.Car in fire at the republican dissidents Markets district in the city centre. Republican dissidents hijack cars around the town to train their members or for kneecapping (used as a punishment shootings for anti-social behaviour)Although the conflict between Irish and British in Northern Ireland officially ended in 1998 with the Good Friday Agreement, after 23 years of peace process – echoes back recurrently and significantly to this day. Even if the conflict’s amplitude has significantly weakened, deep hate divides most parts of the province. According to the Independent Reporting Commission report there are 12.500 existing British, illegal paramilitary members, formed during the conflict with the express intention of fighting the IRA. Those groups are still active and control most of the areas. Third generation from working class districts, still have big problem with unemployment, and since The Troubles the number of people who commit suicide in last two decades, is larger than people who been killed during the conflict. It clearly shows that the United Kingdom doesn’t know how to fix it. From 2007 to 2013, the EU spent € 2.4 billion on peace projects in the region and set community-building initiatives for 2014-20 (up to € 229 million) on projects aimed at integrating Protestants and Catholics.
After Brexit day, 31st January 2020 the United Kingdom is no longer a member of the European Union with an economic border at the Irish sea, which indicates that Ulster in the future will be part of Ireland.
The majority of loyalists are against Irish unity, and British paramilitaries called Boris Johnson’s deal with the EU a “Betrayal act”. Whatever the longer-term implications, Brexit with the sea border will create an immediate crisis for the peace process. Picture description: Tourists come to Belfast and from the distance of double-deckers watch the reality of divisions in the city. This is the longest “peace wall” in Belfast, dividing Catholics from Protestants. Belfast 2010Young loyalist at the UDA part of The Village district in Belfast.Only a seweral pro-Brexit members of the public gathered at the front gates of Stormont Parliament Buildings for a ‘Brexit Celebration’ event at 11pm. In referendum, England and Wales voted to leave but London, Northern Ireland and Scotland voted to stay. As a result the overwhelmingly majority of Irish nationalists voted to remain in the EU while Ulster loyalists voted to leave. Most of the loyalists and british illegal paramilitaries called the Boris Johnson deal with EU, with border at the Irish sea as “Betrayal act”.
